Islamic ideology and its formative influence on education in contemporary Iran

 

Hossein Godazgar^*

 

Abstract

 

Despite the ridiculous claims on the demise of religion in human beings’ everyday life in the shrunk modern world, its continuous and significant role has been considerable in forming new social forms correspondent to Islamic requirements since Islamic revolution of 1979. The undeniable role of Islamic ideology, however, has already been proved by the Constitutional Revolution (1905-1911), nationalization movement (1951-1952), the uprising of 1963 and finally the appearance of Islamic Revolution (1978-1979) after all attempts made under the Pahlavi dynasty towards modernization, westernisation and secularisation of the country during last century.

      The main aim is to explore the influence of ideas and values on the development of social structures and processes. In order to examine the degree to which these ideational factors influenced Iranian post-revolutionary educational system, I conducted two fieldworks in a rural area of North Western Iran based on ethnographic study of religion and everyday life in 1995-1996. The focus of this paper will be the study of changes that have occurred in school curricula since 1979. According to findings, the effects of the Islamic Revolution on curricula and textbooks represent a particular interesting compromise between aspects of tradition and aspects of modernity.

 

Keywords: Islam, education, contemporary Iran, ideology and values.

 

Resumen

 

El principal objetivo de este artículo es explorar la influencia de las ideas y los valores religiosos en el desarrollo de las estructuras y los procesos sociales ocurridos en Irán a partir de la revolución islámica de 1979. Con el propósito de examinar el grado en que estos factores ideológicos han influido en el sistema educativo del Irán posrevolucionario, llevé a cabo dos periodos de trabajo de campo en una zona rural del noroccidente de Irán, enmarcados en un estudio etnográfico sobre la religión y la vida cotidiana durante 1995 y 1996. Este artículo hace énfasis en el estudio de los cambios ocurridos en el currículum escolar a partir de 1979. De acuerdo con los hallazgos, el efecto de la Revolución Islámica en el currículum y en los libros de texto representa un compromiso interesante entre aspectos tradicionales y aspectos modernos.

 

Palabras clave: Islam, educación, Irán contemporáneo, ideología y valores.

 

 

* The University of Tabriz, Irán. Correo-e: Godazgar@tabrizu.ac.ir

 

 

1. Introduction

 

The focus of this paper will be on the changes that have occurred in school curricula since 1979. The dominant theme running through the paper will be the ideological pressure to make curricula conform with the new Islamic philosophy of education. Before this theme can be analysed, however, it is necessary to give a very brief account of the research methods employed in the collection of information about Iranian schools.

            Most of the information on which the following analysis of curricular changes is based was collected in a rural area of North Western Iran based on an ethnographic study of religion and everyday life in 1995-1996. Although I used ethnographic methods in order to capture the meaning of everyday human activities and adequately understand social processes, I also drew upon questionnaires, interviews, life histories, and documents about the changes that had occurred over the previous twenty years.

 

2. Textbooks and Curricula

 

The institution of education is based on state policies and supervision over what is taught, who is taught, and who teaches both males and females. In most modern societies, educational policies are designed to cultivate those human resources which governments deem necessary or desirable. In contrast to the educational policies of most developed and developing countries, which concentrate on training workers, Iranian educational policy placed more emphasis on the need for training religiously committed, socially responsible and faithful men and women who support the Islamic government.

            Although, because of the Islamic Revolution of 1979, the state-provided textbooks were altered in some ways, specifically in the area of humanities, these changes were the same for both girls and boys. Although the changes in curriculum and textbooks are supposed to be scientific in some aspects, nobody can ignore the process of politicisation and Islamisation of the whole curriculum, which has been going on since 1979.

            After the revolution, major changes occurred in the areas of Humanities and Social Economics, with some courses attracting more attention than others. The courses of history, philosophy, Arabic literature, Islamic education, and to some extent the courses of geography and Persian literature were considered the most suitable fields within which the political ideology of the Islamic Republic could be cultivated. I give you some examples:

 

2.1 History courses

 

In history courses after the revolution, the study of pre-Islamic Iran was replaced with the history of Islam, although a brief history of the Prophet had been taught during the pre-revolutionary period. Moreover, the course of contemporary history was taught completely differently in the Pahlavi period. Furthermore, because of the revolution, the size of the history textbook increased by about one-third, and is being increased further each year. In addition to the increase of the history textbook’s size, the time allocated to the course has also been increased. According to my informants, in the post-revolutionary educational system, teaching and learning history became one of the most important subjects of all the academic branches. This may have happened due to the specific attention which the Qur’an pays to the role of history as the main resource for learning from the fate of past communities and tribes.

 

2.2 Philosophy

 

The curriculum of philosophy for humanities students in the present educational system of Iran is more generic than it was before the revolution (see Siasi 1975 and Abu-talibi 1994; and Appendix). This refers to human knowledge or ideas about what is the place of human beings in the world and what is valuable in life in the view of Islam, or of those ancient Greek philosophers not considered inconsistent with Islam. This is in contrast to philosophy courses taught in the West, which tend to ask old questions by means of new procedures related to recent social phenomena. Rather, the philosophy course in modern Iran is designed to restore the ‘pride of Iranian intellectualism’ (which existed for centuries) by perpetuating the Islamic philosophical disciplines (hikmat-e eslami) (see Rahman 1982: 35; 104-9). A pre-revolutionary philosophy textbook, which only contained discussions of Western philosophy, was replaced by two different books entitled Philosophy and Acquaintance With Islamic Philosophy. The 59-page textbook of philosophy for third year students of humanities contains topics related to the meaning and the realm of philosophy, and the ideas of the early philosophers Socrates, Plato and Aristotle. The 156-page textbook ‘Acquaintance With Islamic Philosophy’, which is given exclusively to Year-twelve students of humanities, is similar in content to theology.

 

2.3 Arabic literature

 

Arabic literature, apart from the course of English Literature as a Western symbol, received special attention as a sacred phenomenon after the Islamic Revolution of 1979. Learning Arabic Literature was required of humanities students before the revolution because of its specific influence on Persian literature in post-Islam Iran, but in the post-revolutionary educational system of Iran, because Arabic was the language of revelation and the Qur’an, it became a mandatory course in all subjects for all years from the guidance level to the end of high school (see Khazaei 1971; Refa’at 1993; and Appendix). Although the Islamic Republic used the Constitution to get all Iranians to learn Arabic, the educational system was too weak to put this into practice. However, the use of Arabic terms in administrative letters, and teaching Arabic literature in traditional religious schools as well as the modern schools were taken as signs of increased religiosity. The importance of Arabic is being increased by the authorities year by year so that the textbook’s size has doubled and two hours per week have been added to the Arabic literature schedule at high school since 1993.

 

2.4 Religious education

 

The greatest changes in textbooks probably occurred in the subject of Religious Education. The pre-revolutionary title of Religious Education was changed to Islamic Education after the Islamic revolution, except in year-twelve (or year-four of the high-school) which kept its old title until about 1990. However, the contents were Islamic during both regimes (see Shoar 1968; Sadat 1993; and Appendix). Besides the dramatic changes in the content of the textbooks, almost all pre-revolutionary religious education teachers were replaced by new teachers, from any subject of study, who were loyal to the Islamic values. Since religious education enjoyed less importance than courses of art and handwriting during the Shah’s period, whichever teachers could not teach the main courses were appointed to teach religious education –even if they had no religious beliefs. After the revolution, however, religious education was taken more seriously at schools. According to a teacher of Islamic Education, while moral issues formed the bulk of religious teachings before the revolution, post-revolutionary Islamic education textbooks contained the Islamic world view and ideology –to protect the young revolutionary generation from both Western and Eastern ideologies, especially Marxism, due to the high level of activity of different leftist groups in the early years of the revolution.

 

2.5 Extra-curricula activities

 

One of the educational areas which became very active in a different way was Omur-e-tarbiati (extra-curricula activities). This area’s activity during the reign of the Shah was restricted to the establishment of morning ceremonies (assemblies) at schools and the registration of some students as the Corps Students Danesh-amuzan-e Pish-ahang who attended demonstrations on public holidays during the Shah’s regime and who dealt with artistic jobs such as painting, handwriting, poetry and fictional writing. After the Islamic revolution of 1979, the institution expanded its activity to establishing Islamic revolutionary values in schools, and was eventually changed to Moral Education. However, it retained its title of omur-e tarbiati. Apart from initiating morning ceremonies in which Qur’anic verses were read instead of a song for the Shah, Moral Education called students to attend noon prayers at school with a clergyman who had been appointed by the local education Authority (lea) as an Imam-e Jama’at. Competitions to recite the Qur’an, Nahjo’l-balagheh (the collection of Imam Ali’s letters and speeches) and to sing revolutionary songs were added to those of calligraphy, painting, theatre, book reading, poetry and story writing. At the guidance level, Moral Education had entered the year-six national curriculum, replacing English literature after 1986-87, and it benefited from having a formal textbook in all years of the guidance level from 1988-89 onwards. Its timetable for year-six was two hours per week, and for the other two guidance-level years was one hour per week. There was no systematic curriculum to teach pupils, and the lessons were mostly epistemological in the first years after 1986-87; but now most lessons have moral aspects.

 

2.6 Geography course

 

As for the course on Geography, although some teachers of the subject told me that most changes in this area after the revolution were because of new scientific findings, changes have been towards more human geography than physical, including geomorphology and climatology. However, nobody can ignore the impact of the ruling political ideology on the textbooks’ titles and their contents. After the revolution, a textbook called The Geography of Muslim Countries was added to the national textbooks at high school level. However, this textbook was eliminated from the national textbooks provided for the New System of education in 1992, and another textbook called Political and Economic Geography replaced it. A section on political geography was added for the New System, in order to familiarize the students with politics. Moreover, another textbook called The Geography of Continents was omitted from the series of textbooks provided for the New System of education by the government, while the textbook of General Geography was almost unaltered. Concerning the Geography of Iran textbook, the section on Natural Geography remained almost the same, while a section on Human Geography was completely changed after the revolution.

 

2.7 Persian literature

 

In the field of Persian Literature, the biggest change after the revolution was in the academic subjects of Humanities and Social Economy, where there were increases in the size of textbooks and schedule, and changes in the content of the textbooks (see BPET 1976; BPET 1991; and Appendix). According to a teacher of Persian literature, the timetable for Humanities and Social Economy subjects increased from four hours per week before the revolution to six hours, for years one to three, and to eight hours for year-twelve after the revolution. The timetable schedule remained the same, four hours per week, for the academic branches of Experimental Sciences (ulum-e tajrobi) and Math-Physics (riazi-fizik), and the changes in content were negligible. However, as was suggested to me by some teachers of Persian literature, the time devoted to literature was reduced from six to four hours per week for years one to three, for a while, by establishing the vocational programme of ‘Tarh-e Kad’ in 1982.

            In the opinion of the teachers of Persian literature, the content of post-revolutionary textbooks was totally different from pre-revolutionary ones. One of them believed that the literature in the Shah’s period imposed blind obedience to the West in students’ brains in any possible way, and that the students thought that ‘there was another world in the West to which they should have access’. He maintained that ‘in the literature of the textbook of the White Revolution, the Shah appeared as the manifestation of God’s will’. But after the 1979 revolution, in his view, literature was presented in Islamic form. ‘Students understood that there were self-made and honourable people in the country who could influence the country’s fate, as became clear in the War’, he said to me. He implicitly admitted that daily political issues affect Persian literature: ‘since nowadays the issue of cultural invasion (tahajom-e farhangi) is an important one, everything in society is ready to contend against it, including the textbooks in general and particularly through the mass media and journals’.

 

2.8 Humanities and social sciences

 

Among courses on humanities and social sciences, some were changed less than others mentioned above, in terms of timetable schedule, the size of textbooks or their contents. The impact of religious and political ideology on the content of social sciences or sociology textbooks was greater than on other courses (see Nezami-Taleshi 1978; Tajgaram and Qandi 1979; and Appendix). For instance, the time allotted to sociology since the revolution has been dramatically reduced from thirteen hours per week for all years at high school until 1992-93, to just four hours under the New System of education. Moreover, the pre-revolutionary textbook title of Sociology changed to Social Sciences for all textbooks, for all students in humanities as well as in Social Economic subjects, except the year-twelve textbook, which kept the title of Sociology. The same happened in the departments of sociology at all universities in post-revolutionary Iran.

 

2.9 Economics

 

Regarding Economics, it should be noted that the four pre-revolutionary academic subjects of study of Social Economics (eqtesad-e ejtemaei), Humanities (ulum-e ensani), Experimental Sciences and Math-Physics continued after the revolution until about 1993. After that date, the first two subjects were combined to form a separate academic subject of Literature and Humanities which, in the view of my informants, was more about humanities than economics. In the same way, the earlier textbooks of Islamic Economics and Economic Growth and Development in year-twelve were replaced by just one textbook called ‘Iranian Economy’ in the same year. According to a teacher of economics, the content of the latter book was more realistic than the former, because although the textbook of Islamic Economics presented economic arguments from the Islamic point of view and the textbook of Economic Growth and Development had discussions of political economy, the new textbook included the present-day economic problems of Iran: electricity, population growth, opec, the economic value of oil etc. The creation of an Islamic Economics textbook was in fact one of greatest impacts of Islamic ideology on social sciences after the revolution.

 

2.10 Biology, botany and geology

 

Regarding biology, botany and geology, the textbooks had progressed and developed gradually since 1970. Comparing the pre- and post-revolutionary timetable for these subjects, the time given to them increased after the revolution. For example, year-twelve students had eight hours a week for these courses between 1970 and 1975. Then, by eliminating the section on Botany from the Biology textbook and the section on Evolution from the Geology textbook, the hours were reduced to six by 1978. But after 1978, by increasing the Biology hours from four to six and a half, re-establishing the Botany course for two hours a week, and increasing Geology from two to three hours, the time devoted to these subjects in the weekly timetable almost doubled.

            A biology teacher, confirming the reflection of recent findings in science on the textbooks, also admitted that the ruling Islamic ideology had had an effect on the content of the textbooks. He, who had taught science at guidance level both before and after the revolution, believed that the pre-revolutionary textbook of Science was different from the post-revolutionary textbook, in which science is related to God and the knowledge of Him, and that this issue is mentioned wherever possible in the textbooks. In the early years of the revolution, he claimed, there had been some contradictions between the courses of Islamic Education, on the one hand, and biology or geology, on the other. While the science textbooks, according to the theory of Evolution, introduced monkeys as predecessors of mankind, the religious textbooks –trying to indicate the theory of Evolution or the ideas of Darwin as just a theory and not necessarily a matter of fact introduced Adam and Eve as the first humans. According to this teacher, since 1984 there have been some attempts to reduce sensitivities towards such theories: ‘for example, the name of Darwin was omitted from textbooks. Alternatively, his work was presented as “the theory of Evolution” or as “cause and effect”, “the interaction of natural and human factors” or “the process of interaction between living things and non-living things”. It was interesting that besides the increase in time for studying biology in the weekly timetable, for the first time, there was a separate laboratory hour in the schedule. Regarding the courses of Physics, Chemistry and Mathematics, there has been no major change in their contents or schedule, as it was expected.

 

2.11 Physical education

 

Regarding the course of Physical Education (pe), unlike in the early years after the revolution, sport and pe were now taken into consideration. Some aspects of pe became now even more organised than they had been in the Shah’s period. For example, according to the new regulations of refereeing, a referee had the right to give an offending player a red card at school level. When asked whether there were differences between girls and boys schools in terms of pe curriculum, I was suggested that since 1985 handball had been added to the pre-revolutionary pe curricula of basketball, volleyball, football, table tennis and running at the boys’ schools of that area. There had been no textbook about pe courses either before or after the revolution. The number of matches between different classes and schools of boys had increased since the mid-1980s, even in comparison with before the revolution, according to my informants. However, all matches at school and class level were stopped by the authorities in 1995 as a result of another policy, through which the Physical Education Organisation (sazman-e tarbiat-e badani) dealt directly with the selection of some skilled youths in order to attend provincial matches.

            A female pe teacher confirmed that there was no special textbook available, due to lack of resources in her view, for the pe curriculum, and that girls’ curricula and assessments were different from boys’. She made clear to me that there were no martial arts at girls schools, but that their main courses were: volleyball, chess, basketball, badminton and table tennis. According to this teacher, the games common to boys and girls were: volleyball, chess, handball and basketball. However, there was no facility, or perhaps possibility, for basketball at the girls school in which she worked.

 

3. Libraries

 

An open atmosphere was not available for Iranian students and teachers to study different science books. The textbooks required by students and teachers were provided by the Iranian government, in both pre- and post-revolutionary regimes. The importance of libraries had always been hidden from Iranian society. Since Iranian students did not become properly familiar with the idea of book-reading and libraries, and were guided by state-provided textbooks and teachers from the early years of their education, they expected their lecturers to provide something for them to read and to help them pass higher education exams as well. As a result, libraries were rarely considered by students, if Iranian schools had them at all. It was interesting that when I asked teachers about the use of libraries by students, they replied: ‘If they [students] study their own textbooks, that is good enough. There is no need to go to libraries to read other books’.

            Because of the revolution of 1979, the schools’ libraries, at least in the studied area, became active, but only in the special field of religion. Some teachers from different academic subjects enthusiastically looked for some Islamic books, so they could become familiar with the new interpretation of Islam, in the very early years of the revolution. However, such enthusiasm did not last long. In my view, the existence of such enthusiasm was not surprising, in a secular society which was experiencing a new interpretation of an old religion. For this reason, I agree with the opinion of some writers who believe that the Iranian revolution of 1979 was political, as well as religious. If it had been religious alone, it would have been the continuation of earlier Islamic movements, and there would have been no place for enthusiasm in understanding something which people already knew. Nevertheless, this enthusiasm was noticeable among both students and some teachers at schools during the first years of the revolution.

            After the revolution of 1979, although both schools’ and cities’ public libraries were expanded, they developed specifically in the area of religious books. Regarding town and city libraries, there was no considerable increase in the number of scientific or practical books, even about Persian literature. The same was true for school libraries after the revolution, although most schools had no library at all before the revolution, as two teachers remarked. As I observed myself, -and five teachers confirmed- there were no books relevant to their subjects of studies, other than religious books, in the libraries of either boys’ or girls’ schools. However, there were far fewer books in girls’ high schools than in boys’ schools, according to my own observation. During my six months fieldwork in all the schools of one area, except for a few pupils on one occasion in a boys’ guidance school, I never saw anybody use these libraries. Except for a few scientific books, which were described by the relevant teachers as useless, all the other books were religious and had been written by ulama who were loyal to the Islamic ideology of the revolution. In this regard, an educational official suggested: ‘the role of libraries (in schools) is that the ruling ideas should reach the students through the libraries. The lea has sent schools some books two or three times, all of which were religious books, except a few scientific books which are almost useless.’

            I investigated the New System of education in the new branch of Kar-Danesh at a Vocational High School in a city close to the rural area, because there was no vocational high school in the rural area. Since this school employed a librarian and was well organised, I was able to acquire some statistics about the stock. Among the 3550 books at that school, there were about 2000 (56%) books on religion, about 200 (6%) books on different aspects of science studied at the school, about 500 (14%) historical and fictional books, about 20 (less than 1%) volumes on sport, about 30 (22%) volumes of religious and gnostic poems and about 800 (22%) books which the librarian called ‘miscellaneous’. I then investigated students’ visits to the library for their own needs over a period of about two months. In this vocational high school, of 481 visits to the library, 141 (29%) inquiries had been for religious books, 69 (14%) for books which met pupils’ scientific needs and the other visits were for other titles. It should be noted that these inquiries were made by the male students of the vocational branch, not the students of the branch of ‘Kar-Danesh’. Moreover, according to the head teacher of the vocational high school, most of the scientific books had been provided recently because of the special attention paid to scientific books and experiments by the New System of education. This could be confirmed by comparing the data regarding inquiries made by students of the New System and the Old System. Out of the 481 inquiries, 379 (78%) cases were related to the New System of education and 102 (22%) cases were from students of the Old System of education. Moreover, while in the New System there were twice as many references to religious books as to scientific books (107 against 57), in the Old System of education there were three times as many (34 against 12). Furthermore, according to the librarian of the school, the students in the New System used the library more than the students in the Old System. I was told by some educational authorities that the role of the teacher of moral education and his activities were very important in all schools. As an example of a vocational school in a city in which the New System of education had led to shifts in scientific views, such statistics hint at the situation of schools’ libraries in rural areas.

            As regards town and city public libraries, I have to mention that apart from the problem of insufficient science books, which also affected schools’ libraries, there were specific difficulties in terms of gender, which did not exist in the sex-segregated schools of Iran. As expected, the situation for girls wanting to use a town’s public library was more problematic than it was in the city. Unlike the city girls, girls in the town even encountered problems in borrowing books. However, some teachers who were natives of the region believed that the number of female students who used the library for borrowing was very slowly increasing at that time, in comparison with the early years of the library’s establishment (1992). Out of twelve teachers, some of whom were natives, confirmed that the girls of that town were more or less deprived of using the library, because of its remote location in the town and their families’ disagreement with the girls’ use of it. Unlike boys, the female students of the New System of education were taken to visit the public library by the female advisor of the New System in that school, which could be interpreted as evidence of deprivation of library use by girls’ families. Moreover, two female teachers and the school’s head teacher stated that girls had borrowed books from the public library through the school, but either the school’s authorities or the girls’ teacher had returned the borrowed books. Furthermore, a male native teacher remarked that the girls in the village used their brothers, if they had any, to borrow or return books for them. According to the twelve teachers questioned, the families in the village were too biased culturally to allow their daughters to go to such public places. Although the boys had greater access to public places including libraries, they showed less interest in using them than girls, according to several teachers.

            When I asked teachers about the possible reasons for students’ lack of interest in reading books, and what they were interested in instead, they replied that the direction of students’ interests had changed in recent years. Also, the libraries lacked sufficient power to attract youths there. Regarding boys’ and girls’ interests, some ideas seemed to be different from those of the first decade after the revolution but remained similar to those of the pre-revolutionary period.

 

4. Conclusion

 

Interpreting the changes that had occurred in curricula and textbooks from a rather one-sided perspective, the impact of Islamic ideology on these changes was considerable. The changes occurred in all possible subjects of study including humanities and sciences. However, the susceptibility of humanities subjects to the imposition of ideology was greater than that of the sciences. Besides the changes required by religion, there have also been some other creative changes required by science, although they had to satisfy the religious requirements. To borrow a Weberian approach to the analysis of these changes, Iran was still in a ‘rational’ mode in so far as it was making attempts to increase domination over the external world. Nonetheless, it is interesting that none of teachers in the areas of science interpreted the increasing post-revolutionary attention to their areas as religious requirements.

 

Appendix

 

A comparison of the contents of some pre-revolutionary textbooks with those of their post-revolutionary equivalents.

 

 

References

 

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Enviado: 19 de octubre de 2001

Aceptado: 19 de noviembre de 2001